Abstract:
This paper analyzes the economic integration policies implemented by economies of both shores of the Pacific basin through three instruments under negotiation: the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (tpp), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (rcep), and Pacific Alliance (ap).
The paper investigates Mexico’s participation in the tpp and the ap. It also points out the importance for the Mexican economy’s relationship between ap and tpp with the rcep. Referentially, the paper analyzes the correlation between these three instruments with economic regionalization projects in the Americas and Europe, including new free trade agreements.
The research is based mainly on the theoretical tools of international political economy and traditional constructivism. In this sense, the issues are addressed from a multilevel analysis (economic, military and international non-governmental actors), but with an emphasis on the economic level. The military subjects and role of transnational actors are addressing on complementary manner.

Resumen:
En este trabajo se analizan las políticas de integración económica puestas en práctica por los actores internacionales involucrados en la negociación de tres instrumentos en construcción: el Tratado Transpacífico de Asociación Económica Estratégica (tpp), el Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (rcep), ambos en el Pacífico asiático, y la Alianza del Pacífico (ap) en el Pacífico americano.
En el documento se plantea la perspectiva de México respecto de su participación activa, tanto en el tpp como en la Alianza del Pacífico, así como la necesidad de dar seguimiento, de manera permanente y sistemática, a otros procesos de regionalización de importancia global como el rcep y el tlc entre Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea.

Spanish Title: Las políticas de integración económica en el Pacífico asiático y el Pacífico latinoamericano: una perspectiva mexicana
Author: Roberto Hernández Hernández

Full document:2013, Hernandez, Las Políticas de Integración Económica en el Pacífico Asiático y el Pacífico Latinoamericano- una Perspectiva Mexicana

The Pacific Alliance wraps up the week with a couple of interesting highlights:

Photocredits: KROMKRATHOG/FreeDigitalPhotos.net
First, The fourth forum of innovation and entrepreneurship LAB4+ sponsored by the Pacific Alliance and the promotion agencies of the four members. The event held in Lima, Peru between 1-2 June aimed to connect and strengthen the entrepreneurial and innovation ecosystems of the region. The two main focuses of this year’s event were social innovation and ICTs. This event consisted of a series of seminars, investment rounds, thematic workshops and demo days.

Second the creation of the Strategic Observatory for the Pacific Alliance. An academic initiative looking to link the  government, the productive sector, and academia. The initiative is developed by four of the leading universities across the country members and will be physically based in Chile. The Observatory emerges as a form of think-tank to inform and support the technical work within the working groups of the PA.

It is worth noting that this is not the first initiative in this direction and other universities also have special programs to investigate the Pacific Alliance (see: icesi.edu.co). I guess this situation suggests that efforts should be made to integrate and coordinate the initiatives that emerge in relation to the study of the PA. Sharing a common technological platform on the projects that have been developed and will be developed would be a great way to ensure academic coordination, reduce the risk of overlapping and duplication efforts and encourage incremental knowledge. Moreover, it would be interesting to explore to what extent universities from other observer members could also join this promising initiative!

sources: http://magisterenderechollm.uc.cl

With the signature of the Transpacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) in early February, a recent trend seems to have emerged on the expanding number of mega-regional agreements. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the United States and the EU; the Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) between 23 WTO members including the EU, focused on services and services related disciplines; and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the Asia-driven quota that includes the 10 ASEAN members and six countries including China, India and Japan. All these agreements are expected to be concluded by the end of 2016.

If they are meant to be more than preferential agreements, what are the mega-regional agreements ? Recent literature suggests that these agreements are in fact preferential trade agreements between countries or regions with a major share of global trade and FDI, with two or more parties that have either a driver position or act as hubs in global value chains. If this is the case and the PA is not another mega-regional agreement not only by definition but also attending to its particular goals of deep integration,  free movement of factors, towards social inclusion and reduction of socio-economic inequality then: What is the relation between the PA and these mega-regional agreements? How would they impact the PA developments? This seems an interesting issue to look at.
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This week ends with a lot of activity within the Pacific Alliance. I would like to recall two important events:

Photocredits: Ikuni/FreeDigitalPhotos.net

• The 34th Meeting of the High Level Group (HLG) comprised by deputy ministers of trade and foreign affairs to follow up on the progress in several fields, including the work plan 2015-2016 on financial issues proposed by the Ministers of Finance of the PA members and the CEAP recommendations. The HLG also reviewed the progress of the technical groups on external relations, institutional matters, SMEs, services and capital, among others between the 25th-26 April. The technical groups met prior to the HLG assessment of progress.

• The Commercial Protocol will finally enter into force on the 1st May 2016. Public sources often refer to the benefits of the protocol that include liberalisation in 92 per cent of goods with a commitment to gradually reduce the tariffs of the remaining 8 per cent of goods. However there are some caveats for a better understanding of the real benefits of the commercial protocol. In fist place the actual levels of liberalisation in goods through the protocol are not as high, considering the already high levels of liberalisation achieved through previous bilateral FTAs. Gains here are then more marginal than what is suggested, including some goods that were previously excluded in the liberalisation schedules. Potential gains move in the direction of the rules of origin negotiated and the possibility of accumulation of origin rather than the actual levels of tariff reductions achieved. The flexibility on the rules of origin and accumulation/cumulation between the member states is one means to progress and build regional value chains. Continue reading

Abstract:
Not available

Resumen:
La Alianza del Pacífico (ap) como proyecto de integración y cooperación económica y comercial latinoamericana –inspirado en la simplicidad de las ideaseconómicas neoliberales del corpus ideológico del Consenso de Washington– surge en un contexto de múltiples intentos fallidos de integración regional. A esto debe añadirse la degradación del potencial económico de los países integrantes de la AP, directamente relacionada con la forma en que los gobiernos han aplicado su estrategia de crecimiento económico en la región desde mediados de los ochenta; especialización en la producción y exportación de manufacturas. En este contexto cabe preguntarse ¿cuáles serán, entonces, las fortalezas de la integración regional AP la ap frente a las potencias asiáticas?

En el contexto latinoamericano, la AP y el mercosur ilustran las nuevas líneas de división de América Latina; las diferentes visiones y tendencias de la economía y el comercio perfilan una división “vertical” de la región. Con este criterio se perfilan dos Américas Latinas: la del Atlántico, que desconfía de la globalización, instrumenta una integración restrictiva y otorga un mayor papel al Estado en la economía, y la del Pacífico que opta por el libre mercado y comercio.

Desde una visión de política exterior, la AP podría ser interpretada como un intento de restructuración de la política latinoamericana de México, sin embargo no parece demasiado factible que esta iniciativa pueda erigirse en una estrategia suficiente para que el país recupere los espacios perdidos en la región; menos aún, para construir un liderazgo regional.

Authors: José Luis León Manríquez, Juan José Ramírez Bonilla
Spanish Title: La Alianza del Pacífico. Alcances, competitividad e implicaciones para América Latina
Full document: 2014, Manríquez & Ramírez, La Alianza del Pacífico. Alcances, competitividad e implicaciones para América Latina