In the face of the fourth industrial revolution, the settling of disruptive technologies and the non-stoppable pace of digitalisation it is timely to question the role that regional mechanisms/institutions play as enablers and governance instances of these technological developments. This is not only because of the economic and welfare benefits arising from them but also for the need to address the tensions and dilemmas they pose to traditional economic systems, patterns of production and labour.

Aware of this context and the challenges it presents, the PA recently launched a roadmap for its Digital Agenda focusing on four main pillars: (i) digital economy; (ii) digital connectivity; (iii) digital governments; (iv) digital ecosystems.  The PA proposes an ambitious goal towards the creation of a regional digital market. The PA members commit themselves to the development of an internationalisation strategy for their IT industries and digital entrepreneurs. The content and scope of this strategy on a regional level is yet to be defined.

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NAFTA parties decided last week to hold only one extra round of negotiations before the end of 2017, after previous announcements that seven rounds would be carried out before the end of this year.  The decision was motivated by a stalemate reached during the fourth round of negotiations when some proposals made by the US were not well received by its Canadian and Mexican counterparts. The WTO-minus proposals made by US negotiations raised concerns over the likely success of the renegotiation process. Other controversial proposals included a sunset clause for the renewal of the agreement every five years, the elimination of the investor-state dispute mechanism and the more stringent rules of origin.

Photocredits: Ikpro/FreeDigitalPhotos.net
However, it is not likely that it would be Canada and/or Mexico who would put an end to NAFTA with a very thorny road ahead. Withdrawal from the US is also remote. Extensive legal debates on the matter include whether the US president could withdraw from the agreement without congressional approval and how far the executive’s powers go regarding foreign affairs relations.  An arsenal of legal and judiciary tools will be ready to prevent and block such an outcome (see CRS).

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The reinvigorated interest of closer relations with the PA by some of the observer states is partly attributed to the uncertain future of the TPP. With a grey cloud over the TPP,  the negotiating countries are hoping to update and expand their network of commercial agreements through new channels. It is not a coincidence that, except for Colombia, the rest of original members and all the potential associate members were previous TPP negotiating parties. It would not be a surprise that they would attempt to capitalise on the issues already agreed on the TPP table when negotiating their associate member agreements. I will discuss here some concerns around the future negotiations.

Firstly, as the Pacific Alliance members and the candidates to associate members have started the negotiating process for future commercial agreements of ‘high standards’ it is timely to examine what the original PA members have in mind to put real content into an agreement of this kind. It is necessary to set the expectations and offensive interests that the PA members will put forward as a group rather than individually. Hopefully, the association agreements would be more than a form of a TPP-minus accord, where the concessions made in response to the US pressures in the context of the TPP would be withdrawn from these association agreements, and the rest will be kept untouched in the form of informal diffusion of TPP rules.

It would also be important to set a standard as to how the PA will push to incorporate disciplines in the areas of cooperation that are of interest for the mechanism: (i) movement of persons, (ii) education, (iii) trade facilitation, (iv) science technology and innovation and SMEs.

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photocredits: Theodore C (CC BY-ND 2.0)  license

As Colombia starts its pro tempore presidency of the Pacific Alliance for a year, it seems timely to examine the road ahead and how its presidency could contribute to progress on the already populated agenda of the PA. This post is the first of a series of contributions that will tackle relevant issues that could be targeted as future works for the mechanism.

It is worth mentioning the multiple areas and topics in which the PA is currently working that make it difficult to map out the actual activities and progress in each of them. As it is reported in its website  (alianzapacifico.net) there are currently 20 technical groups and one subcommittee working on topics such as: digital agenda, innovation, public procurement, gender, cooperation, culture, tourism, SMEs, intellectual property, education, mining development, services and capital, public procurement, trade and integration, communications strategy, expert group on the CEAP, promotion agencies, regulatory improvement, international fiscal transparency, movement of persons, and external relations. The establishment of two more groups one on labour and the other on green growth and the environment was also envisioned in presidential declarations. However, up to today, it is not clear if the latter two groups have been established although the Cali Presidential Declaration provides for actions regarding green growth and the environment. Notwithstanding these works the PA is also undertaking joint activities on fisheries and aquaculture, health and access to medicines, and consumer protection.

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The Pacific Alliance had a busy week closing with the Presidential Summit on Friday 1 July where new mandates to guide the progress of the integration mechanism were decided on.

The presidential summit was preceded by meetings of the High Level Group, The Free Trade Commission, The Ministerial Council and the Metting of Ministers of Finance. The IV Business Metting also took place on the 29th June. In addition, the third meeting of higher education institutions of the PA on the 21 and 22 June was an opportunity to discuss the role of the academic and student mobility platform for the integration of the PA countries.

Steps were taken this week on various fronts. First the PA members approved an accord that sets the tax rate on pension funds investments returns at 10 percent. This agreement covering the pension funds from the four members is an effort to boost investment in infrastructure projects while opening up the pool of investment options for these entities within the region. However this is a ceiling rate that will only require implementation by Mexico since Chile and Peru have a rate that is already  5 per cent, while Colombia has a zero per cent rate for pension funds from the PA. In addition, a decision on the creation of a regional infrastructure fund is still pending.

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Photocredits: 7Crafts/FreeDigitalPhotos.net
This week the Pacific Alliance Council of Ministers announced the approval of the guidelines for states to become associates of the PA. The move is a response to the persistent interest that some of the observer states have in the mechanism and a push to move forward with economic and political relations with those observer states of ‘higher interest’.

The brief guidelines outline the requirement that, to become an associate state, the candidate should conclude a mandatory economic and commercial agreement with the four PA members that follows ‘high standards‘.  Although the guidelines are rather vague as to what constitutes a high standard agreement it seems to refer to the disciplines that shall be covered, including trade in goods, services and investment. It is also an underlying requirement that the agreement encourages openness and market integration along with its alignment with the general objectives of the PA.

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While President Trump has recently withdrawn from the TPP Agreement, not yet ratified, and announced his interest in negotiating on a bilateral basis any commercial agreement, the Pacific Alliance has made an interesting political move.  The PA has called for a meeting to take place 14-15 March in Chile.

The purpose of the meeting is gathering not only foreign affairs ministers of the TPP negotiating parties but also China, South Korea and Colombia. Although no formal commitments are expected from the ministerial summit, it will provide a forum for Asian and PA countries to discuss ways to move forward in the economic front while counter-reacting to the protectionist narrative of recent months in the US.

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Photocredits: domdeen/FreeDigitalPhotos.net
President Bachelet has recently expressed particular interest in Argentina becoming a PA member, and as Pro Tempore president of the integration mechanism will devote efforts to this end. Let’s remind us that since the second semester of 2016 Argentina officially became an observer of the mechanism.

However, going beyond the political rhetoric of presidents we need to consider the long-term economic and institutional implications for the PA in this scenario.

Despite efforts by the Argentinian president to signal a change in foreign commercial policy, there is a lot of uncertainty as to whether this is a move reflecting a shift in state policy or rather a short term policy of Macri’s government. Uncertainty on the continuity of this policy after the long lasting protectionist approach of the Kirchner era would not contribute to ensuring stability in this front for the PA. The PA is an integration model that has clearly characterised itself by the alignment of its members regarding commercial foreign policy and development approaches. Changes in unconsolidated state policies by a newcomer such as Argentina could not only slow down the pace but lead to stagnation, as seen in previous integration experiences.

On the other side of the table, Argentina should and will probably focus on putting things in order within Mercosur after Venezuela’s suspension from the integration scheme. This situation triggered a most recent institutional crisis for Mercosur and Argentina’s delegation of the pro-tempore presidency. Joining the PA as a full member would only represent another example of ‘the scape forward approach’ that Latin American governments and states often take towards regional integration.

Finally, I am not sure that with the short length of pro-tempore presidencies within the PA Chile should be investing efforts into extending the number of countries in the PA rather than setting and implementing a work agenda that could strengthen the economic ties and other integration areas within the already existing members. People might say these are not excluding issues but they de facto could be when limited human resources are devoted to performing multiple tasks like is the case in the PA. There is a need to prioritise efforts and areas of work.

The issue could be just part of the rhetoric accompanying the recent presidential visit of Bachelet to Macri, but places on the stage a major missing factor: a clear policy line and criteria regarding new members accession/entry to the PA.

Is the PA ready for the newcomers?

I look forward to your comments on this issue.

Sources: panampost.com

reuters.com